A new Shiite opposition group has reemerged, hoping for change in the near future
A new Shiite opposition group has emerged in Lebanon, marking a new move to reclaim political space outside the long-dominant duo of the ruling class. This coalition, formed by longtime critics of the Shiite establishment, held its first public gathering after the recent war in the south—an event journalist Jad Akhawi describes as “a wake-up call” for many.
Akhawi, who has been closely following the group’s trajectory, said that while some form of Shiite opposition activism dates back to before 2004, it remained largely underground due to what he called the “total domination” of the Shiite political sphere. “Opponents were silenced, sidelined, even put in danger,” he said, pointing to the 2021 assassination of prominent activist Lokman Slim as a stark example.
After years of informal meetings, scattered initiatives, and attempts to join cross-sectarian platforms that never gained traction, the recent war in south Lebanon pushed these activists to act. “Every time something happened, people would ask: “Where is the Shiite opposition?’ And there was never a clear answer. Now, we want to change that,” Akhawi explained.
A new movement
The most recent meeting of the opposition group on Sunday was not a one-off event. “It’s just the beginning,” said Akhawi. A series of upcoming forums will address political priorities, youth outreach, and electoral reform—particularly advocating for a “mega-center” voting system that would make it easier for diaspora Lebanese to vote.
The group has also drafted a document outlining its core principles and goals. Still under discussion, the document proposes a return to state institutions and the rule of law as the only legitimate path forward. “Our ceiling is the state,” the document reportedly states—meaning no weapons outside state control, no militias, no parallel systems of power.
The activists are clear: they reject both armed resistance outside the state framework and the prevailing belief in some communities that only parties can offer protection. “People need to understand that it’s the state that protects them, not parties,” Akhawi stressed. “A fair judiciary, not a militia, is what brings justice.”
A major challenge, Akhawi noted, is winning over a Shiite public that has lived for decades under the umbrella of Hezbollah and Amal. “You can’t just flip a switch. Many are still in denial. They need to be reassured that if they return to the state, they will be protected. That they won’t be left to fend for themselves,” he said.
He emphasized that the Shiite community has historically been a founding pillar of the Lebanese state. “When the state was established, Shiites were given a major role. It’s not true that we’ve been marginalized from the beginning. We were part of building the system,” he said. “The marginalization came later—because of the behavior of the political establishment, not because of the state itself.”
For many in the new movement, the 2006 war was a turning point. Though parties dominated the public narrative and managed aid distribution, it was the Lebanese state that carried out the negotiations and worked behind the scenes. “The army was the one distributing aid. The stickers on the boxes were changed, but the real logistics were run by the state,” Akhawi said.
Eyes on 2026 elections
One of the group’s clearest goals is political participation in the upcoming 2026 parliamentary elections. “We’re not going in blind,” said Akhawi. “We plan to train candidates and campaign staff, teach them how elections work, how to engage, and how to advocate.”
While some members were involved in the 2022 elections, others are newer to the political scene. The group doesn’t intend to run in every district, instead focusing on strategic areas where they see a real opportunity to break through. “We’re not here to commit political suicide,” Akhawi said bluntly. “We’ll invest our energy in places where we can make an impact.”
They view recent municipal elections—especially in southern Lebanon—as proof that there is political space to challenge the dominant parties. “Even if the opposition lost, there were real battles. The culture of elections is alive, and that matters.”
Akhawi said the Shiite public cannot be viewed as a monolith. “You have the hardcore supporters of Hezbollah and Amal—those you can’t reach,” he said. “But then you have leftist youth, more ideologically flexible. They’re open to dialogue.”
Another group, he said, consists of those living in areas heavily influenced by previous political parties. “These people need reassurance. They need to know that if they support us, they won’t be abandoned. That the state will protect them.”
Still, the question remains: can the Lebanese state, with all its weaknesses, truly offer that protection, especially in the light of the continuous Israeli attacks?
Akhawi remains cautiously hopeful. “If the state is allowed to operate properly—yes. In 2006, the state was sidelined by political forces. But today, things may be changing. There are stronger positions being taken, clearer commitments to the Taif Agreement and international resolutions.”
He cited statements by the caretaker Prime Minister and other officials reaffirming that only the Lebanese state should hold the right to war and peace. “That gives us hope,” he said. “It suggests that maybe, just maybe, this time the state can put its foot down—and we can finally move forward.”
The 2026 parliamentary elections will be a turning point for Lebanon’s political landscape, especially within the Shiite community. After years of growing frustration with the ruling class, worsening economic conditions, and a sense of abandonment, many are beginning to question the status quo. Whether this discontent can translate into real political change remains to be seen. The elections will reveal if new voices—can gain traction, or if traditional power structures will continue to dominate.
